(Lecture delivered on the occasion of the 2nd Engineer Arturo F. Eustaquio
Sr. Lecture Series, Universidad de Zamboanga, Oct. 23, 2007, and before the
Faculty of the Western Mindanao State University, Sponsored by the Office of
the WMSU President and WMSU Department of Political Science, Oct. 24, 2007,
Zamboanga City )
This lecture examines the phenomenon of KAMAG-ANAK, INC., or political
dynasties in the country, particularly those in Mindanao. It will address
the following key issues and questions:
I. ABOUT POLITICAL DYNASTIES
* What are political dynasties?
* How did they emerge?
* Do political dynasties have any role in our political system and
culture?
* What is the connection between economic power and political power at
the national and local level of governance, the umbilical cord that allows
political dynasties to thrive?
* Who are the political dynasties?
* What are their sources of power?
* How have they managed to entrench and sustain themselves in power?
* Who are the political dynasties in Mindanao?
* Are there any peculiar elements/characteristics in political
dynasties in Mindanao? In the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)?
* What is the relationship between political dynasties and the current
mainstream political parties in the Philippines?
* What is the impact of political dynastic rule on Philippine national
development, on our communities, and nationhood in general?
II. STUDYING POLITICAL DYNASTIES
* Is scholarship in this area sufficient?
* What are the existing methodologies employed in the current study of
political dynasties?
* What are the existing gaps for future research possibilities?
III. ADVOCACY ON POLITICAL DYNASTIES
* How can we empower our communities to deal with political dynasties?
* How are empowered communities, POs, NGOs and civil society in
general engaging, challenging and neutralizing the monopoly of power of
political dynasties in certain parts of the country?
IV. HIGHLY RECOMMENDED REFERENCES ON POLITICAL DYNASTIES IN THE PHILIPPINES
1. "dynasty > noun (pl. -ies) a line of hereditary rulers of a country:
i.e. Tang dyasty; a succession of people from the same family who play a
prominent role in politics, business, etc. "
- The New Oxford Dictionary of English
(2001)
2. Using the above
definition, we have about 250 political dynasties (families) who have
dominated Philippine politics at the national and local level and who have
monopolized political power as families for the past 30 years and more. This
is 0.00001667 % of the country's 15 million families (CENPEG, 2007).
3. Each of the
country's 80 provinces have political dynasties competing with each other
for national and local elective positions. Dynasties have also expanded to
monopolize many appointive positions.
4. Politics is a
family affair, so that from the national to the local level, we see long
family histories of political rule. Husbands, wives, sons, daughters, and
close relative occupy many public offices; during elections we likewise see
them all running for public office.
5. According to a
recent study by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, 2/3 of
the members of the 8th to 12th Congress belong to political dynasties. We
can just take a look at the Philippine Senate where we have combinations of
brothers and sisters, mother and son, father and son out of only 24 members
of the upper chamber. This is why if a few families control Congress, they
tend to legislate in favor of their own interests to the detriment of the
majority of Filipinos. Look what happened to key legislation like the land
reform program which most of our farmers are not happy about, and other
critical legislation. And can we expect them to legislate against political
dynasties?
6. This hits both
administration and opposition officials who ignore the democratic value of
"equal access to opportunities for public service" at the national and local
level.
A good example at
the national level is the Macapagal-Arroyo dynasty political dynasty:
Diosdado Macapagal -
Philippine President (1961-65)
As for the
opposition, there are now two Cayetanos in the Senate and another in the
House. The Senate seat used to be occupied by the senior "Companero"
Cayetetano ; now Alan Peter (who was Congressman 1998-2007) has joined
sister Pilar "Pia" Cayetano Sebasian who has been senator since 2004up
to 2010. Alan Peter's wife, Laarni has taken over his House seat, while a
brother of Alan, Renren (councilor, 2004-2007) was elected vice mayor of
Muntinlupa.
Though Luis "Chavit"
Singson(Congressman, 1987-92; Ilocos Sur governor 1998-2007) lost in his
2007 bid for a Senate seat, the Singsonfamily dynasty is well entrenched in
Ilocos Sur: Chavit Singson's son, Ronald is congressman, 1st district,
Ilocos Sur; cousin Eric is congressman, 2nd district, Ilocos Sur; brother
Jeremias is now vice governor ; niece Eva Marie Singson-Media was reelected
mayor of Vigan together with Allen Singson, son of Eric, now mayor of Candon.
These are just
specimens of national and political dynasties in the Philippines.
How did they emerge?
7. For decades,
wealthy and powerful families have dominated politics in the Philippines,
concentrating power to the elite families, promoting corruption and abuse of
power.
8. Political
dynasties are observed to have began in the early 20th century when voting
was limited to rich and landed Filipinos who monopolized public office. In
other words, the lopsided structure of opportunities and the social and
economic inequalities allow a few --both in the administration and
opposition --to monopolize wealth and political power.
9. Today, political
dynasties are supposed to be prohibited by the Constitution. Sec. 26 Art. II
of the 1987 Constitution states:
" The
State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and
prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law."
10. Though this
prohibition does exist, an enabling law is needed . Since 1987, the
anti-political dynasty bills filed never got to first base. Why? Most
lawmakers from the administration and opposition oppose the Constitutional
ban on political dynasties because they too, come from political dynasties
and clans, which have been long entrenched in power. New political dynasties
have also risen to challenge the traditional political clans in their
bailiwicks.
Do political dynasties have any role in our political system and culture?
11. Historical and
contemporary empirical data reveals a continuing pattern of leadership
recruitment for our elected and appointed national and local leaders from a
small upper strata of our society, mostly from economic and social elites.
12.. Also,
historical and contemporary reality have made political dynasties embedded
in our country's political and electoral life, and serves to perpetuate a
few elite in political power.
13.The phenomenon of
political dynasties shows the absence of any real competition in politics
because of the lopsided economic structure of inequality which allow only a
few to monopolize wealth and power. For precisely, landed wealthy Filipino
families have tried to protect their interests by occupying public office.
What is the connection between economic power and political power at the
national and local level of governance, the umbilical cord that allows
political dynasties to thrive?
14.
The Philippine political system is structured around patronage and what
academics call rent-seeking, or the use of privileges from the state to
benefit private and family business. These families are able to control and
influence the courts, Congress, and Malacanang, and to control the most
profitable parts of our economy. When family, not ideology or principle
becomes the norm in politics and public service, corruption will flourish.
In fact, the existence of political clans and dynasties has encouraged a
political system t hat is dominated by patronage, corruption, violence and
fraud at the national and local level.
What are their sources of power?
15. Because of their
wealth and control of the economy (local and national), the elite
families possess the values necessary for the exercise of influence and
which gives them more advantages to acquire political power. These values,
in addition to wealth and other resources that they control, are education,
prestige and skill.
16.When they capture
public office, political dynasties, using their authority, enact favorable
and protective legislation for their family-owned businesses ; corner
government loans, franchises and licenses and government contracts; assure
low tax assessments, and other privileges.
How have they managed to entrench and sustain themselves in power?
17. Dynastic public
officials have the following advantages which they further exploit to widen,
expand and consolidate their economic and political power:
* high concentration
of formal power (among relatives with common economic interests) ;
* gives them
considerable license in the exercise of their powers, which they wantonly
abuse in the absence of check and balance;
* elite, dynastic
politicians not only seek to maintain their position of authority, but also
to advance their family's economic interest or interests of their social
class.
* In many parts of the country, political dynasties who are also warlords
manipulate and thwart the free exercise of the people in their right to
vote.
Who are the political dynasties in Mindanao?
Samples of past and
present well-entrenched political dynasties in various parts of Mindanao are
the following (by province) :
Lanao del Sur
- Alonto, Lucman, Adiong, Dimaporo, Macarambon, Dimakuta
Lanao del Norte
- Badelles, Lluch, Cabili
Sultan Kudarat
- Mangudadato
Cagayan de Oro City
- Emano
General Santos City
- Antonino
Zamboanga City -
Lobregat, Lorenzo
Zamboanga del Norte
- Adaza, Ubay, Carloto, Jalosjos
Zamboanga del Sur
- Sagun-Lim, Enerio, Amatong, Cerilles
Tawi-Tawi
- Jaafar
Camiguin - Romualdo
Misamis Occidental
- Chiongbian, Ramiro
Misamis Oriental
- Pelaez, Baculio
Saranggani - Chiongbian, Amatong
Sulu -
Amilbangsa, Rasul, Abubakar, Ututalum, Tulawie
The Caraga Region
composed of the two Agusan provinces and Butuan City is said to be the
"center" or "capital" of political dynasties in the Philippines which
practically compete only among themselves for all congressional and local
positions for the past 50 years or more . Studies made by academics and
journalists for instance, identify no less than 10 members of the Plaza
political clan holding and monopolizing political power from congressional
seats, governorship, down to mayors, councilors and barangay chairs held by
wife, sons, daughters, nephews, inlaws, etc. .
Are there any peculiar elements/characteristics in political dynasties in
Mindanao? In the ARMM?
18. Many of the Mindanao dynasties are from the landed families, some were
cronies from way back during the Marcos regime up to the present. In the
ARMM, many are from the prominent landed datu class, are warlords and have
private armies or the backing of an armed group that help them maintain
influence.
What is the relationship between political dynasties and the current
mainstream political parties in the Philippines?
19. Political parties are
in fact convenient but temporary alliances of political dynasties or
political clans.The basis of their alliances are not
because of principles or party platforms, but may be based on marriage,
business connections, or political accommodation , etc.
What is the impact of political dynastic rule on Philippine national
development, on our communities, and nationhood in general?
20. Political
dynasties distort governance, and make a sham of democratic governance.
Thru political dynasties, public office becomes an exclusive family
franchise, a provider of more benefits to family interests.
II.
STUDYING POLITICAL DYNASTIES
Is scholarship in this area sufficient?
21. More studies on
the oligarchic power structure of the Philippines are needed to examine its
strengths and vulnerabilities at the macro and micro-level. This is
necessary to identify the openings where civil society can further widen and
expand its participation. Foreign scholars have been conducting critical
studies of the local power structures since the 60s such as studies by Lande
and Kerkvliet. More Filipino scholars should initiate their own studies in
this fertile field.
What are the existing methodologies employed in the current study of
political dynasties?
22.Except for the
references highly recommended here, many local studies are actually
hagiographies, or commissioned family biographies of oligarchic
families or individual political leaders. Of course, commissioned or paid
hagiographies would treat their subjects like saints with sanitized accounts
which are often kind and generous. Of course, hagiographies have the
advantage of access, access to family material of political dynasties
which are given with
their cooperation. Unauthorized family studies or biographies may take
longer to conduct, but they can maintain the distance and objectivity
required of credible, academic research.
What are the existing gaps for future research possibilities?
23.There is a need
to examine the impact and possible weakening of the economic, political and
even feudal stranglehold and influence of political dynasties in their
respective areas in the light of the following:
*the Filipino
diaspora in other countries (OFW phenomenon) which has made possible more
financial/economic autonomy of marginalized Filipinos;
*access to
information and technology/ mass media/telecommunications of the rural poor,
so that access to information is not anymore controlled by the oligarchy;
* impact of rural
and urban organizing and consciousness-raising by people's organizations,
NGOs, the radicalized pastoral politicalization of the Church (both Catholic
and Protestant), and civil society organizations.
24. More studies are
needed to study empirically the political disease called cronyism, and to
show how fundamentally, politics and business fortunes are so much
intertwined. Business empires or big business in general needs to be
critically reexamined to see how big business is really done, i.e. how
business elites or family interests wheel and deal in the political system.
This goes against the grain of competition and fair trade and violates the
very principles even of a neoliberal economic system.
III.
ADVOCACY AGAINST POLITICAL DYNASTIES
How can we empower our communities to deal
with political dynasties?
25.
Political dynasties are the No. 1 obstacles to the development of
genuine political parties in the Philippines which are based on principles
and consistent party platforms. The role of real political parties is to
promote clear social visions and programs and to represent especially the
needs and aspirations of the larger sectors of Philippine society, not just
a few elite families. The current elite parties of families are money
machines, political vehicles and feudal formations controlled by patriarchs
that dispense patronage, privilege and protection for the oligarchy.
How are empowered communities, POs, NGOs and civil society in general
engaging, challenging and neutralizing the monopoly of power of political
dynasties in certain parts of the country?
26. But the dominance of political dynasties and political clans is being
challenged. Electoral political parties which are elite organized, financed
and led are being challenged by effective mass oriented people's
organizations, a vigilant and questioning independent mass media, and
alternative programs of governance are being advocated. The party list
system, which has seen the emergence of issue-based grassroots parties
representing farmers, workers, indigenous peoples, women and urban poor,
still needs to be improved to allow larger representation from the largest
sectors of Philippine society.
27. Recent good examples of challenges to political dynasties are Grace
Padaca who TWICE defeated the family dynasty of the Dy family in Isabela for
the position of governor. Also, Fr. Ed Panlilio of Pampanga who defeated
machineries and money politics of two of the most powerful allies of
President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo who comes from n Pampanga: Lilia
Pineda (former Lubao Mayor and wife of Bong Pineda, who is said to be the
jueteng king of the country) and Mark Lapid, movie star and son of movie
action king Senator Lito Lapid. Grace Padaca, a radio announcer who became
an alternative candidate by people's organizations, civic organizations and
NGOs in the province, trounced the Dy dynasty for the position of governor.
The Dy dynasty's patriarch is former Isabela governor Faustino Dy Sr. whose
five sons used to monopolize all provincial positions: Benjamin (Governor),
Faustino Jr.(Congressman, Governor) but was defeated recently by Grace
Padaca; Cesar (Cauayan Mayor ), Napoleon (Alicia Mayor) and Faustino III,
now the Rep. of the 3rd District of Isabela.
28.Other challenges
are coming from media celebrities (like Noli de Castro and Loren Legarda),
especially at the national level. However, media exposure is making
political contests more expensive, because more money is needed by political
clans to gain public office thru media exposure. Then, more temptaion there
is to recover these costs and expenses through corruption. But politics
cannot be a family business forever.
29. Real political
parties with defined programs, vision, and ideologies representing the
larger sectors of Philippine society should challenge and replace political
clans and dynasties. With better economic opportunities in our
socio-economic structure, we can develop a truly democratic electoral and
party system.
30. Genuine agrarian
reform will also have to be implemented since the big plantations land
holdings owned by a few families form the base of social and economic
inequalities where political dynasties are well-entrenched. For land in the
hands of a few while the tillers are landless has always been the root of
discontent and rebellion by the repressed and ill-treated peasants. Whether
the social transformation will be gradual and peaceful depends on those in
power who have to accept the democratization of both political and economic
power, for grassroots pressure --organized and spontaneous -- will be there.
Social movements of the marginalized will usher in an era of sweeping social
change.
31. Ultimately, in
a country rife with inequality, the hope in our political system and country
lies in education, national consciosness, civic values, transparency in
governance and social awareness and organization at the grassroots. There is
hope.
IV.
HIGHLY
RECOMMENDED REFERENCES ON POLITICAL DYNASTIES
Center for People Empowerment and Governance.
http://cenpeg.org. Website of the Center for People's Empowerment and
Governance (CENPEG).
Coronel, S.; Chua,
Y.; Rimban, L.; Cruz, B.. The Rulemakers: How the Wealthy and Well-born
Dominate Congress. Quezon City: PCIJ, 2004.
Gutierrez, Eric.
The Ties that Bind: A Guide to Family, Business and Other Interests in the
Ninth House of Representatives. Pasig: PCIJ, 1994.
Gutierrez, Eric.;
Torrente, L.; Narca, N.. All in the Family: A Study of Elites and Power
Relations in the Philippines. QC: Institute for Popular Democracy, 1992.
Mc Coy, Alfred.
(ed.) An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines. QC:
Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1994.