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REVISITING THE DAY WE SAID NO! TO UNCLE SAM
by
Roland G. Simbulan
Grande Island, Subic, Sept. 12
- It is drizzling Monday afternoon, the ocean water in Subic Bay is
choppy all around Grande Island which on the google map seems to guard
the entrance of Subic Bay from South China Sea. At least 25 ships,
mostly commercial and container vessels float on the waters inside the
Bay. A large tanker, with the markings NYK Hinode, floats near the
Hanjin Heavy Industries Shipyards. More than 20 years ago when Subic was
still the United States' largest naval base outside U.S. territory,
such a scene was unthinkable. For Subic, and Subic Bay for that matter,
was an exclusive enclave for the U.S. Navy and the U.S. 7th Fleet that operated in the
Western Pacific. Commercial and civilian vessels were then not allowed
inside Subic Bay.
Unthinkable before, because
the very spot where I am standing at Grande
Island
used to be off limits to Filipinos. Grande
Island back then was exclusively for
the "Rest and Recreation" of U.S. military servicemen. Now, Grande
Island
is a Filipino resort with classy hotels seen clearly from the shorelines
of the communities around the bay. From Grande Island,
one can see huge orange and white cranes and floating drydocks of the
Subic Bay Metropolitan Authority (SBMA) ready to service visiting ships
to unload their cargo and container vans or to repair commercial vessels
from all countries of the world.
September 16, 2011 this
year, marks the 20th anniversary of the historic rejection of the bases
treaty, or to be accurate, the non-concurrence by the Philippine Senate
of the proposed treaty that was to extend the U.S. bases for
another 10 years after the expiration of the 1947 RP-U.S. Military Bases
Agreement. That was a historical feat because it marked the shutting
down and dismantling of the largest
U.S.
overseas military naval and air force bases that were located on
Philippine soil since 1901. And the
U.S.
was still back then, unquestionably the strongest economic and military
superpower in the world. Filipino nationalists consider that day as
historically significant because it marked the end of 470 years of
foreign military base and troops' presence on Philippine soil, which
began during Spanish colonization and extended almost permanently during
the American colonial period and beyond Philippine independence in 1946.
It was a proud moment for the Philippines
that many people in Japan, South Korea and
in many places where there are still foreign military bases and foreign
troops, want to learn from and replicate.
This is why Filipino
nationalists and the nationalist movement in general have long
considered foreign bases presence as antithetical to independence. They
were the most visible physical symbols of continuing colonialism and
farce independence: Immediately after our 1946 independence and under
the 1947 US-RP Military Bases Agreement, an estimated 250,000 hectares
of arable lands with rich agricultural and mineral potential in 23 bases
in 13 provinces ---prime real estate-- were placed under the exclusive
and absolute control of the
U.S.
government. The original agreement was for the rent-free use of our
territory, for 99 years, later to be shortened in negotiations to expire
in 1991. It was as if these lands were carved out and seceded from our
sovereign control, making a travesty of our independence.
Arguments during the debates on the
future of the U.S. bases in the Philippines inside and outside the
Senate more than 20 years ago focused on the economic and security
issues.
Economic Issues
When the
U.S. military bases and facilities were pulled out
from the Philippines 20 years ago, some
people predicted economic ruin for the country and security fears for
the nation. I even remember the threat of then U.S. Ambassador Nicolas
Platt when he said at the height of the bases debates that " foreign
investments would dry up and the economy would collapse if the U.S. bases pulled out." Instead, the
former U.S.
base lands today have become linchpins of economic growth in the
country. This is the "peace dividend" that has lured businesses to set
up shop in the former bases, including the South Korean Hanjin Heavy
Industries, which has made the former
U.S.
military facilities one of the fastest-growing employers in their
respective regions. Today, the former
U.S.
military bases in the country are reported to employ almost more than
four times the number of Filipino workers that the U.S. Navy and U.S.
Air Force employed at their Vietnam War peak, and has brought in more
than P17-19 billion in revenues into the national treasury.
The Gordon family who were
once the most die hard defenders of the U.S.bases when they dominated
politics in Olongapo (and still do) are now the first to admit that "the
Philippines has one of the best experiences in bases conversion if not
one of the most successful base conversion of a foreign military base",
as former Olongapo Mayor and former SBMA administrator Richard Gordon
would state in a 1996 interview with a national daily. In fact, the
former U.S. bases
have become symbols of economic resurgence for the country such that,
during the Presidency of Fidel V. Ramos, Subic
was chosen as the site to host the Asia Pacific Economic Council(APEC)
meeting of heads of state.
Security Issues
As for the security issues, the
Philippine dismantling of the U.S. military bases in the Western Pacific
was actually our contribution to the ending of the Cold War in our part
of the world. For the U.S. bases were in fact the most visible vestiges
of the Cold War in the Asia Pacific, used by the Pentagon for its
aggressive gunboat diplomacy in the Korean peninsula, as launching pads
for military intervention during the Vietnam War and as springboards for
intervention against countries like Iran
and other countries in the Middle East.
The "peace dividend" that
accompanied this decision was that after we removed the bases here, we
could now secure better relations with ALL our neighbors and not be held
hostage by being host to a superpower that dragged us into its military
interventions and possibly, made us a magnet for attacks as during World
War II, when the U.S. bases here were the first targets by the Japanese
Imperial Army. But the country without the U.S. bases must
also be able to develop its external defense capability both in terms of
modernizing its national defense forces and multilateral diplomatic
initiatives to defend national interests and sovereignty. This is to
deserve its truly sovereign status like our smaller neighbors like
Singapore,
Brunei, Vietnam and Burma,
especially in dealing with claimants to the Spratlys such as China. It must
also learn to deal on its own with its internal armed conflicts and
peace and order threats such as the Abu Sayaff, without relying on the
almost-permanently-based covert operatives of the U.S. Special
Operations Forces which we have invited here under the cover of the
Visiting Forces Agreement.
And what was the role of the
Mt.
Pinatubo factor in the
outcome of the issue of the bases? Believe it or not as if it was a god
sent act, Mt. Pinatubo volcano erupted on June 12, 1991, the very
day of Independence of the Philippines in the revolution against Spain. In
reality, the Pinatubo factor made it more difficult for the anti-bases
senators to argue against the immediate bases termination. It reduced
the number of anti-bases Senators from 19 to 12 Senators because of the
perceived hardships and dislocations in Central
Luzon brought about by Pinatubo, though 12 was still a safe
number to reject the proposed new bases treaty.
Pentagon's desperation to keep forward bases
The Pentagon, despite their temporary withdrawal of
Clark Air Bases within three hours just before the Mt. Pinatubo eruption
(they had claimed during the bases negotiations that it would take them
at least 10 years to withdraw any large base), still wanted to keep
their remaining forward-deployed bases in the country very badly.
Beyond 1991, they wanted desperately to keep 14,698 hectares: Clark Air
Base, Subic Naval Base, John Hay Base in Baguio City,
O'Donnel Transmitter Station in Tarlac, Wallace Air Station in Poro
Point, La Union, the San Miguel Communications Station, and the Capas
Naval Transmitter Station. But no amount of political pressure on the 12
Senators, now referred to as the "Magnificent 12" could change their
minds. For prior to this decision, the Senate had passed seven
resolutions against U.S. bases and
nuclear weapons with 19 Senators consistently signing these. Here, we
must give credit to then presidentiables Senators Aquilino Pimentel and
especially Senate President Jovito Salonga who sacrificed their
presidential plans by taking a historic stand that clearly defied U.S. strategic interests in the
Asia-Pacific region. For Salonga's Liberal Party, it was really a good
chance to clear the party's name of the stigma of being initially a
pro-U.S. party, for it was the LP-dominated government of then Pres.
Manuel Roxas that signed the U.S.-RP Military Bases Agreement in 1947.
Leadership Role of Senate
The Senate clearly took a leadership
role in directing us towards a sovereign Philippine foreign policy in
accordance to our 1987 Constitution when it made its Sept. 16 decision
to close down the bases. This decision even defied mainstream public
opinion 20 years ago, which generally favored the retention of the U.S.
bases.The Senate decided that it was the right decision to make and in
accordance with the spirit of the Constitution, and that the people
would eventually realize that it was the right thing to do. Guiding the
Senate's vote to dismantle the bases were state policies such as "the
State shall pursue an independent foreign policy...in its relations with
other states, the paramount consideration shall be national sovereignty,
territorial integrity, national interest, and the right to
self-determination". There was also the new constitutional policy that
the Philippines, "consistent with the
national interest, adopts and pursues a policy of freedom from nuclear
weapons in its territory." The latter Charter provision was consistent
with at the seven UN-initiated treaties that the country had signed
against " the deployment of nuclear weapons and foreign military forces"
in other regions of the world including those nuclear weapons and bases
"deployed in outer space, the moon and other planets."
Overall, public opinion today as
expressed in leading opinion surveys is such that the Senate decision
was the right but difficult decision. Except in the honky tonk community
of barangay Barreto along the Olongapo national highway, which is
frequented by American and Australian expats. This is where some bars
with teasing names like "Wet Spot Bar", "Corkscrew", "Lips (Upper and
Lower)", etc. still welcome visiting U.S. troops on brief goodwill
visits or during Balikatan exercises under the terms of the VFA .
Critics claim that the latter is a camouflage seeking to restore U.S. military
presence in a new form. Many bars and nightclubs in Barreto are said to
be owned by Australians and Americans who have long retired from the U.S. armed forces after being assigned to the Philippines.
Barrio Barreto residents say that only last July, a visiting U.S. naval vessel docked at Subic and its crew of
U.S.
servicemen went to the bars to be entertained but with an early evening
curfew. A nightclub in Barreto even still has a big streamer in front
that says, U.S. TROOPS WELCOME! At the Perimeter Road at Balibago,
Angeles along the side of former Clark Air Base, the same mood still
exists where aging foreign expats, now living in the country, can be
seen walking in their slippers as if nothing had changed. But it has
changed.
R.M. Magsaysay Avenue, once
referred to by writers as "the Avenue of Broken Dreams", which fronts
the main gate of the former Subic Naval Base, now looks much different
from the time when the whole avenue was saturated with seedy "ago go"
bars, massage parlors and "rest and recreation" restaurants waiting to
satisfy the sex-hundry U.S. Navy men leaving the base for their brief
leave furlough. Now, the Olongapo City Mall stands tall right outside
the former base gate, teeming with locals and students who patronize the
fast food and appliance centers, as well as the vendors selling cheap
China
products and pirated DVDs. The American Legion office and its pub in Magsaysay Avenue,
now barely has any visitors, according to a cigarette vendor nearby that
this author talked to.
While the level of military
prostitution enhanced by the former U.S. bases'
presence has been diminished, prostitution and violation of children's
rights has not really been eradicated since the national economy to
which the bases economy has been integrated, continues to be
characterized by the unequal distribution of wealth where more than 65%
of Filipinos live below poverty line. With the signing of the 1999 VFA
and the Mutual Logistics Support Agreement in 2001, units of U.S.
military personnel are back to exploit and take advantage of the poverty
of Filipina women and children. Which gives us the lesson
that political independence has to be sustained and consolidated by
economic sovereignty.
Farmers and indigenous
peoples are still disallowed from their claims for inclusion of the
former base lands in agrarian reform, and in the ancestral domain as in
the case of the Aeta people. The former bases have been blatantly
excluded from the government's agrarian reform program, allowing only
the rich local and foreign investors to pour in money to develop the
fertile baselands. Landless Filipino farmers continue to be denied the
use of the former baselands for agriculture, thus preventing the bases'
transformation from "weapons" use into "ploughshares."
I always like to tell my visiting
Japanese and South Korean academic and activist friends who visit to
learn about our bases conversion experience that in the Philippine
experience, bases conversion, while initially open to local
participation in the bases communities, later was tailored to the
elite-based decision-making prevailing in the national economy. Thus, I
say, there is the continuing clash between the people's base conversion
strategy and the elite-dominated national economic strategy and system.
Their potential for growth as commercial business enclaves today
however, show potential under a neoliberal economic regime that
continues to grow. Military buildings and ammunition storage had been
transformed into factories, commercial offices, recreational and sports
facilities, schools including a branch of the University of the
Philippines, Ateneo and other schools at both Clark
and Subic. There are zoos such as the
Zoobic Safari, civilian airports, aviaries, and so many hotels and
restaurants. In short, I tell our Japanese and Korean foreign friends
who are so awed by our feat of kicking out the bases that our lesson
here is that, THERE IS LIFE AFTER THE U.S. BASES. But the continuing
challenge is how to make it a pro-Filipino and pro-poor economic
conversion and development.
Today, what used to be the command headquarters
building of the Subic Base commander, is now used as the corporate
offices of the SBMA, an authority that was created by law to spearhead
the conversion of the former U.S. naval base into the commercial free
port and special economic zone that it is today. One of the largest
Philippine flags that I have seen flies proudly over the flagpole in
front of the SBMA corporate building. And just below the flagpole are
the commemorative palm prints and names of the "MAGNIFICENT 12 SENATORS"
who made Sept. 16 possible. But it was the Filipino people, in their
long struggle and sacrifices with so many freedom fighters and martyrs,
who made the Sept. 16 rebirth possible and the Senate action was really
a reaffirmation of that aspiration that is now articulated in the 1987
Constitution.
As I walk barefoot and leave
footprints on the sand along the beautiful coastlines of the Grande
Island beach resort at Subic, I wonder what it was like then when only
Filipino waiters and servants could enter these exclusive places to
serve American military personnel and their families. I am just glad
that that very gross travesty of Philippine independence had been ended
20 years ago.
* Article by Roland G Simbulan - For a full
professional background of Professor Roland G. Simbulan (Click
Here)
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