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NOTE: This is
the interview Professor Roland Simbulan gave for the Japanese national
daily newspaper AKAHATA in its July 9, 2010 issue. Akahata has a daily
circulation in its Japanese edition of 1.2 million.
Professor Roland Simbulan was
interviewed by Akahata's ASEAN correspondent, Mr. Inoue Ayumi.
(Professor
Roland Simbulan's answers are in bold italics)
1. Japanese politicians expressed opposing views on the issue of
retaining the U.S. military facilities in
Okinawa
prefecture. Residents of Okinawa are pushing for the immediate
withdrawal of all U.S.
military troops in their area, but the Japanese government still
believes in the importance of maintaining its strategic defense alliance
with the U.S.
and has in fact broken its election promise to remove the U.S.
bases. What is your opinion on this issue?
Strategic defense alliances can be forged with other
countries even without the deployment of U.S. military bases and facilities
on Japanese soil. As it is today, the so-called strategic defense
alliance with the United States
only makes
Japan a hostage to U.S. overseas military adventures in
contravention to Japan's
peace constitution, while at the same time putting
Japan
at risk because of the deployment of U.S. interventionist forces on its
soil. It makes Japan
a strategic sitting duck to enemies of the
United States but which are not necessarily hostile
to Japan.
The people of Japan,
especially the people of Okinawa where most of
U.S.
forces are deployed, are right in stepping up their struggle against
interventionist U.S.
military forces based on its soil. U.S. forces based in Japan such as
the Marine Expeditionary Forces, are really interventionist forces used
against other countries.
2. The Japanese government and pro-U.S. bases advocates insist that
the U.S. military facilities in
Okinawa
are vital in the preservation of peace, security and stability in the
Asia-Pacific region. Do you believe that the
Okinawa
military facility serves as a deterrent against any threat on regional
security and stability?
The preservation of peace, security and
stability in the Asia-Pacific region does not depend on the deployment
of foreign military forces on Japanese soil, or similarly, on other
countries. On the contrary, these foreign military deployments have been
the source of instability in East Asia as well as previously, in
Southeast Asia. Deterrence against what? The only reason why North Korea is interested in Japan is because it is threatened by the presence
of large numbers of
U.S.
interventionary forces on Japanese soil whose armaments are aimed
against it. This was the same obsolete argument used by pro-bases
elements in the Philippine and U.S.
governments when U.S.
military bases and facilities were still on Philippine soil. At that
time, they were floating all kinds of "threats" ranging from China, North Korea
and Vietnam.
3. How would you compare the regional security situation before and
after the dismantling of the U.S.
military bases in the
Philippines.
The 1991 removal from the Philippines of the largest U.S. overseas naval and air force bases did not
destabilize the
Philippines
nor threaten the security of Southeast Asian countries. On the
contrary, the ASEAN is now more stable through the principle of
collective non-interference , a principle formalized in such regional
collective agreements such as the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapons-Free
Zone Treaty. Understandable, the
United States was not in favor of these
initiatives. It did not want ASEAN countries to rely on themselves for
their security; the United States wanted them to rely for their defense
and security on the gunboat diplomacy of U.S. military forces and the
U.S. 7th Fleet. It seems that the U.S. is still relying on the obsolete
containment policy as its regional doctrine, namely to surround
countries it perceives hostile to its interests with a string of U.S.
military bases, facilities and U.S. military forces. But
the Cold War is over.
The Philippines
was not, and is not threatened by anybody after the pullout of U.S. bases. We
have in fact diversified our foreign relations with most countries of
the world and it helped secure regional stability. The presence before
of US military bases and forces on Philippine soil was the stumbling
block if not the obstacle to the realization of ASEAN's Zone of Peace,
Freedom and Neutrality. Their removal from the
Philippines
in 1991, allowed the full realization of the 1995 Southeast Asian
Nuclear Weapons Free Zone Treaty, a treaty which the United States tried to block but
failed.
4. Do you think it is feasible for Japan
to ensure its security even without U.S.
bases or even with reduced
U.S.
military presence? Should the U.S. Marines be pulled out of Okinawa?
It is feasible for any
independent and sovereign country to take care of its security, much
more a country like
Japan
which is a respectable member of the United Nations. Even more than
other countries including the Philippines, Japan has the economic and technological
capability and power to ensure its own security with reduced U.S. military presence, or even better without
any U.S.
military bases or foreign troops on its soil. U.S. Marines, especially
the U.S. interventionary forces under expeditionary
units/ delta units/ army rangers and special operations forces should be
pulled out of Okinawa right away. By
mutual agreement, the U.S.
can still be allowed to retain small communications facilities but under
joint management by U.S.
and Japan defense
forces.
5. Do ASEAN member-states and Asian countries agree on the need to
maintain permanent U.S.
military presence in
Japan? Do Asian countries believe
it helps ensure regional peace and security?
No sovereign country would ever agree to the permanent
maintenance of foreign military forces on its own territory or on the
territory of other sovereign nations. ASEAN now has the benefit of
experience to realize that it is more stable now than when U.S.
interventionary forces were deployed in Vietnam in the 50s, 60s up to
the mid-70s. Those were years of instability because of the intervention
and aggressive action by U.S. forces on Asian soil.
Collective regional defense dialogue, both bilateral and regional,
is now what assures regional peace and security in ASEAN.
The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) is one such venue for collective regional
defense dialogue.
6. How do ASEAN nations maintain the peace and security in the region
even without the U.S.
bases?
With a combination of collective regional
initiatives and dialogue as well as bilateral agreements among each
other, ASEAN nations are able to maintain regional peace and security
even without the
U.S.
bases.
7. The ASEAN charter showed that ASEAN countries, in principle, do not
want to serve as host to foreign military bases. Could you expand
on this policy?
The ASEAN Charter is indeed an
unprecedented document and leap forward towards regional peace. It is in
fact a regional peace treaty, committing the state parties to a policy
of non-intervention, peace, self-determination and nuclear weapons-free
policy in the region. It is a product of lessons derived from the Cold
War experiences where foreign military presence by Western (and Japanese
Imperial ) military forces only created instability, war
and suffering among many ASEAN peoples.
8. What is the regional security architecture as viewed by the ASEAN
region? In this connection, should this model be followed by other
countries in East Asia?
The ASEAN regional security architecture could be a model
for other unstable areas of the world including East Asia. Of course, there may be some unique features in
East Asia, but it is clear that the continuing presence of
interventionary U.S. military forces in both Japan and South Korea are a source of
instability to the area, rather than securing it. When ASEAN was still
hosting large numbers of
U.S.
and even British military forces in the 50s, 60s, up to early 70s, these
became the source of regional instability, suspicion and strife that
fragmented if not caused so much suffering to the peoples of ASEAN.
Regional collective dialogue in ASEAN is a collective responsibility
that has also helped ensure stability and peace in Indochina after the
Vietnam War.
9. The Japanese government is also using the perceived nuclear threat
posed by North Korea as an excuse to justify the presence
of U.S. troops in Okinawa, what is your view on this?
Unless
Japan
still wants to see itself as a satellite or a modern military colony off
the United States,
this argument is bereft of and far from reality. My view on this is that North Korea is only interested in Japan and Okinawa because of what it perceives to
be the presence and deployment of U.S.
military forces there, with U.S.
forces and weapons systems that are aimed and threaten North Korea. The
North Korean armed forces are largely defensive in nature: it has no
intention to invade or occupy Japan
even if this is in the creative imagination of U.S. and Japanese military
strategists!
On the contrary, therefore, the continued presence of U.S. forces in Japanese and Okinawa territory
threaten Japanese security, as these U.S.
forces serve as a magnet for defensive actions by any country hostile to
the United States.
Other hostile forces to the United States,
but not necessarily to Japan,
regard U.S.
bases and military forces as potential targets on which to launch
actions against them, and that is why they are always natural and
potential targets of attack. When the Japanese Imperial Army invaded the
Philippines
during World War II, the first areas that were attacked , bombed and put
out of action were the
U.S.
military bases on Philippine territory.
10. How would you assess the economic, political and security situation
in the Philippines, almost 20 years after the
removal/dismantling of the
U.S.
military facilities?
In my recently published book last year
(2009), FORGING A NATIONALIST FOREIGN POLICY (Essays on
U.S.
Military Presence and the Challenges to Philippine Foreign Policy),
I have recently fully assessed the economic, political and security
situation in the Philippines
after the removal of the
U.S.
military bases and facilities. The former
U.S.
bases in the
Philippines
have been converted to civilian, commercial and peaceful uses, far from
being the unproductive foreign war machines that trampled on the rights
and violated the sovereignty of our country. Now, without the U.S.
bases, we have converted them into productive economic enclaves which
have created jobs more than three times than at the peak of U.S.
military base activity during the Vietnam War. They continue to thrive
today as beehives of economic activity, attracting both foreign and
local investments.
Politically and along the arena of our security, we are not
anymore held hostage to the gunboat diplomacy of the
United States which had used our territory during
the bases era as a springboard or launching pad for U.S. military operations - both
covert and overt - against other countries. This included countries with
full diplomatic relations with the
Philippines. Today, consistent with our
Constitution, we rely on the principle of peacemaking and
non-intervention in our relations with other countries, especially in
our bilateral and multi-lateral relations with others. We have
diversified our relations with all nations of the world, including those
hostile to the United States.
11. Does the issue on conflicting claims on Spratlys pose a security
threat to the stability of the Asia-Pacific region?
The issue regarding the conflicting claims on the
Spratlys which could have been aggravated by the intervention of U.S.
military forces, has somehow been stabilized through a combination of
collective and bilateral dialogue on this issue by ASEAN members
themselves. The experience of ASEAN is the best teacher for all that it
is better to exchange views on a problem through unceasing dialogue
rather than relying on external forces to militarily back up a local
issue or even a regional issue. I foresee that in the long run, natural
resources in offshore areas can in fact be shared by collective
agreement and cooperation that will benefit everyone. No one really
benefits by threats, wars and conflicts or through the continued
presence of foreign war machines - whether inland or offshore - in the
region. Foreign military bases and presence are like guns - not even our
own and controlled by others- in our very own homes, but which are used
to threaten our neighbors. Can these ever give us real security?
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* Roland G. Simbulan is Full Professor in Development
Studies and Public Management at the University of the Philippines. A
specialist in Philippine-U.S. security relations, Philippine foreign
policy and
U.S.
military intervention in the Asia-Pacific, he has written five books on
these issues. A former Senior Consultant on Defense and Foreign Policy
issues at the Philippine Senate, he is regularly invited as resource
person at Congressional hearings and by the Philippine media.
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